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    <title>The Progress &amp; Freedom Foundation Blog</title>
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    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2008-09-12://2</id>
    <updated>2009-07-02T21:14:08Z</updated>
    
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<entry>
    <title>Lori Drew Acquitted in Megan Meier Case: What to Do About Cyberbullying?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/07/lori_drew_acquitted_in_megan_meier_case_what_to_do.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5582</id>

    <published>2009-07-02T21:11:35Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-02T21:14:08Z</updated>

    <summary>Lori Drew was convicted late last year on charges related to her role in a cruel hoax that led to the tragic suicide of thirteen-year old Megan Meier in Missouri in 2006. But today, at her sentencing, the judge threw...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
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        <![CDATA[<p>Lori Drew was convicted late last year on charges related to her role in a cruel hoax that led to the tragic suicide of thirteen-year old Megan Meier in Missouri in 2006.  But today, at her sentencing, the judge <a href="http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2009/07/drew_court/">threw out her convictions</a>.  Millions around the world were horrified by Megan's fate, and many will probably be upset that Drew might go unpunished.  But we need to separate three questions in this case:<br />
<ol><br />
	<li>Should the federal anti-hacking law under which she was convicted really be applied in such cases?</li><br />
	<li>What, precisely, <em>was</em> Drew's involvement?</li><br />
	<li>The key question: What should be done about the general problems of cyberbullying and cyberharassment?</li><br />
</ol><br />
<strong>Misuse of the Anti-Hacking Statute<br />
</strong></p>

<p>Judge Wu has yet to issue his written opinion but seems to have agreed with the various experts on Internet law who argued that, however tragic the Meier case was, the Computer Fraud &amp; Abuse Act (CFAA) should not have been applied to Drew.  Most notably, the Electronic Frontier Foundation filed an <a href="http://www.eff.org/files/filenode/US_v_Drew/Drew_Amicus.pdf">Amicus Brief</a> in support of Drew's motion to dismiss the charges against her--summarized by <a href="http://www.groklaw.net/article.php?story=20081128005538214">Groklaw</a> and the <a href="http://jolt.law.harvard.edu/digest/telecommunications/united-states-v-drew-2">Harvard Journal of Law &amp; Technology</a>.  Orin Kerr, a leading Internet law professor, felt so strongly about the consequences of using the CFAA to criminalize violations of privately written terms of service that he joined Drew's defense team.  Kerr demonstrated the problems of essentially allowing private parties to create the grounds for criminal offenses (if violated by users) by <a href="http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2008_11_23-2008_11_29.shtml">suggesting obviously ridiculous new terms of service</a> for the Volokh Conspiracy, the group blog he writes on.</p>

<p>Hard as it may be for those who want to "see justice done" in this case, the CFAA just isn't the right law to apply--which raises the question of whether new laws are needed, discussed below.</p>

<p><strong>Uncertainty About Drew's Role<br />
</strong></p>

<p>The judge may also have been influenced by uncertainty as to Drew's actual role in the case. Initial coverage of the story suggested that Drew created the fake MySpace persona of a teen boy ("Josh Evans"), then used that profile to woo Meier, a classmate of Drew's daughter, only to deliberately--and cruelly--break her heart.  After Missouri prosecutors and the FBI declined to press charges against Drew, federal prosecutors in California decided to do so, but Drew consistently maintained that it was not her idea to create the account.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>When she finally went to trial, Ashley Grills, an 18-year-old friend of the Drew family, <a href="http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2008/11/lori-drew-pla-3.">changed her story</a>:  Grills had initially claimed that creating the account was Ms. Drew's idea, but admitted at trial that she (not Drew) created the fake "Josh Evans" account and that most of the conversations between Meier were with Grills, not Lori Drew.  In particular, the final blow that seems to have driven the emotionally fragile Meier to suicide apparently came from Grils, not Drew:"You are a bad person and everybody hates you. Have a shitty rest of your life. The world would be a better place without you."</p>

<p>We'll probably never know exactly what actually happened, but it does appear that Drew was not the prime instigator behind the hoax, as she first appeared to be, but played more the role of a facilitator.  Unconscionable as its for <em>any</em> adult, especially a parent to encourage, promote or even allow such behavior, it may not create legal liability.<em><br />
</em></p>

<p><strong>Cyberbullying: What's Next?<br />
</strong></p>

<p>The real question here is how we should deal such cases more generally.  Adam Thierer and I released a major study of these issues a few weeks ago:  <a href="http://www.pff.org/issues-pubs/pops/2009/pop16.11-COPPA-and-age-verification.pdf">Cyberbullying Legislation: Why Education is Preferable to Regulation</a>--which Adam <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/07/01/cyberbullying-legislation-debate-video-from-fosi-capitol-hill-event-612/">recently dicussed at a Capitol Hill briefing</a>. We distinguish among three problems that have been conflated in coverage of this issue:</p><ol>
	<li><strong>Cyberbullying</strong>: kid-on-kid abuse online</li>
	<li><strong>Cyberharassment generally</strong>: people of all ages using the Internet to harass each other</li>
	<li><strong>Adult-on-kid cyberharassment</strong>: the Megan Meier case</li></ol>
Confusion of these three issues has resulted in some very inappropriate responses to the problem.  Most notably, Rep. Linda Sánchez has proposed the "<a href="http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:H.R.1966::">Megan Meier Cyberbullying Prevention Act</a>," which would make it a federal felony with a sentence of up to two years to transmit "any communication... with the intent to coerce, intimidate, harass, or cause substantial emotional distress to a person, using electronic means to support severe, repeated, and hostile behavior."  While Sánchez claims uses the word "cyberbullying" (Problem #1), her rhetoric (and the title of the bill) is really focused on adult-on kid cyberharassment (Problem #3).  Punishing that special kind of abuse by adults of children, who are particularly vulnerable, might well be something federal law should address.  But Sánchez's bill doesn't do that; instead, it seeks to punish <em>all</em> cyberharassment (Problem #2).  Sánchez's fails in several other respects to clearly define its terms and scope, thus raising serious constitutional concerns about the bill's effect on chilling constitutionally protected free speech, as well as about the due process rights of those who might be prosecuted under the bill.<p></p>

<p>In our <a href="http://www.pff.org/issues-pubs/pops/2009/pop16.11-COPPA-and-age-verification.pdf">paper</a>, we highlight a number of substantial changes that would need to be made to create a narrowly-tailored bill appropriate to the problem of adult-on-kid cyberharassment. But we also explain why it's probably not possible to craft a law consistent with the Constitution to address the general issue of cyberharassment:  While state laws generally apply to cyber<em>stalking</em> (where a threat of physical harm is made or felt), it's profoundly difficult to distinguish between "harassment" and simple online conversations.</p>

<p>We <em>do</em> think something can and should be done about the very real problem of kid-on-kid cyberbullying (Problem #1).  But rather than treat kids as felons (the Sánchez approach), lawmakers could get serious about supporting online safety education, awareness-building efforts, prevention, and intervention. Such an approach would avoid thorny constitutional problems and has recently been floated in both chambers of Congress. In mid-May, the "<a href="http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:S.1047:">School and Family Education about the Internet (SAFE Internet) Act</a>" (S. 1047) was introduced in the Senate by Sen. Robert Menendez (D-NJ) and in the House by Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL). The measure proposes an Internet safety education grant program that will be administered by the Department of Justice, in concurrence with the Department of Education, and the Department of Health &amp; Human Services. These agencies will also work in consultation with education, Internet safety, and other relevant experts to administer a five-year grant program, under which each grant will be awarded for a two-year period. Eligible non-profits may use the grants to:<br />
</p><blockquote>(1) identify, develop, and implement Internet safety education programs, including educational technology, multimedia and interactive applications, online resources, and lesson plans;<br />
(2) provide professional training to elementary and secondary teachers, administrators, and other staff on Internet safety and new media literacy;<br />
(3) develop online-risk prevention programs for children;<br />
(4) train and support peer-driven Internet safety education initiatives;<br />
(5) coordinate and fund research initiatives that investigate online risks to children and Internet safety education;<br />
(6) develop and implement public education campaigns to promote awareness of online risks to children and Internet safety education;<br />
(7) educate parents about teaching their children how to use the Internet and new media safely, responsibly, and ethically and help parents identify and protect their children from risks relating to use of the Internet and new media</blockquote>
This is exactly the right approach.  This bill truly deserves the name "Cyberbullying Prevention Act," while the Sánchez bill might more accurately be called the "Cyberharassment (of all kinds) Punishment Act."  Rather than pursuing regulation through criminal sanctions that would chill protected speech, education is the better approach--something the federal government can help to support.  As Adam and I conclude in our paper:<br />
<blockquote>Again, real online safety and proper netiquette begin at home. We need to teach our kids to be good cyber-citizens. We shouldn't expect the government (or even schools) to do it all for us. But to the extent government <em>can </em>do something constructive about this problem, it is education and awareness-building that will have the most profound, lasting results. Although more substantive penalties cannot be ruled out entirely, creating new classes of crimes to deal with this problem is unlikely to solve the scourge of cyberbullying.<p></p>

<p>Clearly, based on the emerging research, the young people who are involved in cyberbullying incidents--both as perpetrators and targets--have many problems. Addressing these painfully real issues will require applying effective risk prevention and intervention strategies. Instead of promoting such education, prevention, and intervention solutions, the Sánchez bill would simply create a new federal felony to address this problem. But criminalizing kid-on-kid behavior in whatever form will likely not solve the age-old problem of kids mistreating each other. Indeed, this problem has traditionally been dealt through counseling and rehabilitation at the local level. By contrast, the federal justice system generally works through criminal penalties. If federal criminal law has a role to play, it is in punishing clear cases of harassment of minors by adults in ways that do not chill free speech protected by the First Amendment and that are consistent with the Fourteenth Amendment's due process guarantees.</p>

<p>Unlike the Sánchez bill, the Menendez bill is grounded in the need to implement such counseling and rehabilitation approaches in schools and communities. If members of Congress want to enact legislation that has a chance of effectively reducing truly harmful behavior--and which avoids constitutional pitfalls and subsequent court challenges--the Menendez bill provides the best avenue to accomplish that important goal at this time.</p></blockquote><p></p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>New Self-Regulatory Principles for Online Behavioral Advertising</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/07/new_self-regulatory_principles_for_online_behavior.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5581</id>

    <published>2009-07-02T21:09:32Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-02T21:13:59Z</updated>

    <summary>The leading trade associations in the online advertising industry have just released their new self-regulatory principles--the first comprehensive self-regulatory principles industry has produced, which track closely with the suggested guidelines released by the FTC in February. I commend the industry...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    <category term="advertising" label="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
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    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>The leading trade associations in the online advertising industry <a href="http://www.iab.net/about_the_iab/recent_press_releases/press_release_archive/press_release/pr-070209">have just released</a> <a href="http://tech.yahoo.com/news/ap/20090702/ap_on_hi_te/us_tec_online_advertising">their new</a> <a href="http://www.iab.net/media/file/ven-principles-07-01-09.pdf">self-regulatory principles</a>--the first comprehensive self-regulatory principles industry has produced, which track closely with the suggested <a href="http://www.ftc.gov/opa/2009/02/behavad.shtm">guidelines released by the FTC in February</a>.</p>

<p>I commend the industry for setting a new standard in transparency, consumer control and data security. These Principles do much to empower Americans to make their own decisions about privacy, but I fear that many critics of so-called "targeted advertising" will <em>never</em> be satisfied, no matter how high industry <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/03/11/google%e2%80%99s-ad-preference-manager-one-small-step-for-google-one-giant-leap-for-privacy/">raises the bar</a>.</p>

<p>These critics have insisted that ordinary users can't be trusted to make the "right decisions" about privacy and have insisted on imposing restrictive default "opt-in" rules for the online data collection that makes online advertising valuable to websites that rely on ad revenue.  Such pre-emptive privacy regulation would stunt the growth of revenue for the "Free" online content and services we've all come to take for granted.  During a time of economic recession, and as traditional media like newspapers struggle to make the transition from print to the Internet, it's more important than ever that policymakers <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/02/13/targeted-online-advertising-what%e2%80%99s-the-harm-where-are-we-heading/">allow self-regulation to evolve</a>.  Only by doing so can we expect continued innovation and creativity online. We must all remember:  <strong><em><a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/25/there-is-no-free-lunch-no-advertising-no-media/">There is no free lunch</a>!</em></strong></p>

<p>I'll lead a panel discussion on July 10 on Capitol Hill about "<a href="http://pff.org/events/upcomingevents/071009-regulating-online-advertising.asp">Regulating Online Advertising: What Will it Mean for Consumers, Culture &amp; Journalism?</a>"  Please RSVP <a href="http://pff.org/events/upcomingevents/071009-regulating-online-advertising.asp#reg">here</a>.</p>]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Ad-Supported Internet: The Musical (Web Site Story)</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/07/ad-supported_internet_the_musical_web_site_story.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5580</id>

    <published>2009-07-02T03:08:22Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-02T03:10:16Z</updated>

    <summary>The comic geniuses at CollegeHumor.com have really hit the nail on the head with this musical romp through the (mostly ad-supported) web, a take-off on &quot;Maria&quot; from the musical West Side Story. Besides showcasing a number of great ad-supported services,...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
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    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>The comic geniuses at CollegeHumor.com have really hit the nail on the head with <a href="http://www.collegehumor.com/video:1913584">this</a> musical romp through the (mostly ad-supported) web, a take-off on "<a href="http://www.westsidestory.com/site/level2/lyrics/maria.html">Maria</a>" from the musical <em>West Side Story</em>.  Besides showcasing a number of great ad-supported services, the clip really hits the nail on the head by acknowledging that "<a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/25/there-is-no-free-lunch-no-advertising-no-media/">There is No Free Lunch</a>": The <em><a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/28/a-posterboy-for-advertisings-pro-consumer-quid-pro-quo/">quid pro quo</a></em> of advertising supports the plethora of online content and services Internet users take for granted.</p><blockquote>Pandora, I just found a website called Pandora...<br />Pandora! type it in and there's music playing<br />
<em>watch the ads and it's almost like paying</em></blockquote><br />
<object width="500" height="360" data="http://www.collegehumor.com/moogaloop/moogaloop.swf?clip_id=1913584&amp;fullscreen=1" type="application/x-shockwave-flash"><param name="allowfullscreen" value="true" /><param name="wmode" value="transparent" /><param name="AllowScriptAccess" value="true" /><param name="src" value="http://www.collegehumor.com/moogaloop/moogaloop.swf?clip_id=1913584&amp;fullscreen=1" /></object><p></p>

<p>I'm tempted to show the clip at our upcoming PFF Capitol Hill briefing on July 10: "<a href="http://pff.org/events/upcomingevents/071009-regulating-online-advertising.asp">Regulating Online Advertising: What Will it Mean for Consumers, Culture &amp; Journalism?</a>"</p>]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>The &quot;Lessigation&quot; of Copyright Scholarship: A Review of Statutory Damages in Copyright Law: A Remedy in Need of Reform (Part I).</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/07/the_lessigation_of_copyright_scholarship_a_review.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5579</id>

    <published>2009-07-01T20:43:04Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-02T15:22:44Z</updated>

    <summary>Another day, another absurd academic attack on copyrights. Today&apos;s entry in the Free-Culture-Movement&apos;s parade of sophistry is Pamela Samuelson and Tara Wheatland, Statutory Damages in Copyright Law: A Remedy in Need of Reform (2009) (available here). The self-refuting &quot;analysis&quot; in...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Thomas Sydnor</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Copyright" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Economics" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="IP" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p><em></em>Another day, another absurd academic attack on copyrights.  Today's entry in the Free-Culture-Movement's parade of sophistry is Pamela Samuelson and Tara Wheatland, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law: A Remedy in Need of Reform</em> (2009) (available <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1375604">here</a>). </p>

<p>The self-refuting "analysis" in this article warrants dissection for two reasons.  First, it reveals the gruesome consequences of the "Lessigation," (i.e., "degeneration into shrill, dishonest demagoguery"), of much "scholarship" on intellectual-property law and policy.  Second, this article focuses on statutory damages: a remedy that is critically important to copyright law--and thus the focus of the Free Cultist's latest attack on those awful creators who still refuse to embrace the give-it-away-and-pray "business model" that has worked oh-so-well for newspapers.... </p>

]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Naturally, Public Knowledge is already a-swooning over the "<a href="http://www.publicknowledge.org/node/2089">amazing depth</a>" of the analysis in <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em>: </p>

<blockquote>The article gives the reader an amazingly through understanding of copyright damages (primarily statutory but there's lots of background on actual damages, too) under US law as it's evolved.

<p>* * *<br />
This article will provide its readers an amazing depth of understanding of how we got here and useful guidance on how to address some of the problems.  Kudos to its authors.</blockquote></p>

<p>I have no kudos for the authors of <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em>--because it is self-destructively unhinged by errors and dishonesty.  Indeed, that is why <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> warrants analysis: when "scholarship" gets this bad, scholars should start thinking seriously about just how irrelevant they are <em>choosing</em> to become.  Because if "scholars" are just underpaid bad lobbyists who need not disclose their clients, (and may have none), then no one should care what "scholars" think.</p>

<p>Moreover, the authors of <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> chose to publish an unfinished work arguing that statutory-damage provisions of the Copyright Act have been unconstitutional as applied to a user of the file-sharing program KaZaA.  And they did so just when the Godfather of the Free Culture Movement, Professor Charles Nesson, was arguing that the statutory-damage provisions of the Copyright Act are unconstitutional as applied to a user of the file-sharing program KaZaA.  A result, their analysis could unfairly influence decisions with real-world consequences--unless its biases, errors, and omissions are quickly and bluntly exposed.  </p>

<p>So here we go.  And should the tone of this review ever seem a bit harsh or flippant, then I do apologize--while noting that such tones afford no real ground for complaint to scholars whose unduly harsh assessment of their subject seems to reflect a failure to study it seriously. </p>

<p>This will thus be the first of several posts on <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> that I may later revise into a more formal paper.  I plan to proceed as follows.  First, I will describe <em>Statutory Damages' </em>overall thesis and the errors of fact, law, and economics that comprise its fictitious "history" of statutory damages in U.S. copyright law.</p>

<p>Next, I will refute its dead-wrong account of the Supreme Court's due-process jurisprudence.  No matter what the authors of <em>Statutory Damages</em> may claim, the Supreme Court has not made it unconstitutional for civil damage awards to deter (or even punish) illegal activities.  </p>

<p>Then, I will expose its laughably biased accounts of the few cases that allegedly support its call for reform of statutory-damages law.  To summarize a longer story, its account of <em>Thomas</em> is incompetent, its account of <em>Grokster</em> is deranged, and its accounts of <em>MP3.com</em> and <em>Legg Mason</em> are reckless.  Only its account of <em>Free Republic</em> seems fair.  </p>

<p><strong>Overview: When Imaginary Legal History Met Imaginary Due-Process Analysis</strong></p>

<p>The central thesis of <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> is, as Public Knowledge notes, that the copyright law's statutory-damages regime "has evolved in a manner that results in too many arbitrary, inconsistent, unprincipled, and grossly excessive awards and that reform is needed."  </p>

<p>Now, statutory damages have been part of every U.S. copyright act enacted since 1790.  So what evidence do the authors of <em>Statutory Damages</em> present to support this very serious accusation?  </p>

<p>Five cases.  Throughout the 219-year history of U.S. statutory damages, the authors of <em>Statutory Damages</em> purport to find five cases in which <em>they</em> perceive a statutory-damage award to have been unconstitutionally excessive.  They also identify a sixth case, <em>MGM Studios, Inc. v. Grokster, Ltd., </em>in which they claim that a statutory-damage award <em>could</em> be excessive, and thus, too "chilling" to venture capitalists who might otherwise have funded StreamCast Network's scheme to "get all the music" and to "have no product costs to acquire music."  <em>See MGM Studios, Inc. v. Grokster, Ltd., </em>454 F. Supp. 2d 966 (C.D. Cal. 2006).</p>

<p>Granted, 5½ <em>truly</em> excessive statutory-damage awards in 219 years would be 5½ too many--though far too few to support any call for "reform" of existing corrective mechanisms, like post-trial motions to remit allegedly excessive awards.  But before examining these individual cases, a more fundamental problem arises: all of the analyses in <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> proceed from false premises.  </p>

<p><em>Statutory Damages</em> concluded that these 5½ awards were grossly excessive by conjoining a dead-wrong account of the history of statutory damages to a dead-wrong account of the Supreme Court's due-process jurisprudence.   Its many errors were so fundamental as to invalidate any analysis predicated upon them.</p>

<p><strong><em>Statutory Damages' </em>account of "legal history" imagined that <em>minimum</em> statutory damages of $5814/infringement must have been purely "compensatory"</strong>: Understanding the vacuity of <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> requires only basic knowledge of the permissible purposes of civil damage awards under U.S. law.  At least four such purposes exist:  </p>

<ul>
	<li>First, <em>compensation</em> is a valid purpose of almost all civil damage awards: laws should compensate persons for harm caused by infringements of their legal rights.</li>
</ul>  

<ul>
	<li>Second, in the contexts of torts and property, <em>deterrence</em> is an equally valid purpose: awards exceeding those needed to compensate may be needed to deter socially destructive acts like shoplifting or the provision of dangerous toys to children.</li>
</ul>  

<ul>
	<li>Third, in the contexts including torts and property, <em>punishment</em> can also be a valid purpose: if one person infringes copyrights in a way that jeopardizes only copyrights while another person infringes in a way that also jeopardizes personal and national security, the latter conduct could be punished more severely than the former.</li>
</ul>  

<ul>
	<li>Fourth, rarely, U.S. civil statutes have also punished civil wrongs by imposing quasi-criminal <em>civil penalties</em> payable to the government, rather than to the owner of an infringed private right.</li>
</ul>

<p>Naturally, the extent to which any of these four purposes should be reflected in the damage awards available to owners of a given federal civil right depends upon how heavily those owners must rely upon damage awards to deter its infringement.  For example, damage awards tend to be more important in copyright cases than patent cases because injunctive relief is often a far more powerful remedy in the patent context, particularly against a practicing entity.  Similarly, though a shoplifter could face punitive damages in a civil conversion lawsuit, such suits are rarely filed because state criminal laws usually punish and deter shoplifting.  </p>

<p>But copyrights are federal rights that cannot be directly protected by the general police-powers of the States.  Moreover, injunctions and forfeitures tend to be far more effective in the contexts of patents and counterfeiting than they are in the context of copyrights.  Consequently, and more so than in almost any other area of law, copyright owners have always had to rely heavily upon civil damage awards to deter those who would otherwise infringe their exclusive federal rights.  </p>

<p>Nevertheless, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> tried to pound the square peg of reality into the round hole of the standard Free-Culture-Movement explanation for the evolution of any aspect of copyright law, which goes like this: </p>

<blockquote><em>Throughout most of our history, copyright law struck a sound balance between public and private interests.  But recently, evil copyright-industry lobbyists conned a suddenly compliant Congress into re-writing copyright law to protect their private interests at the expense of the public, technological progress, and sound policy.</em></blockquote>

<p><em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> thus argued that historically, (since statutory damages in U.S. copyright law "began" until about 1999), "Congress intended for statutory damages to be mainly compensatory in nature," that statutory damages had only "modest compensatory roots and purposes," and that awards intended to deter and punish infringement would have been "inconsistent with sound copyright policy and with Congress' intent in adopting [statutory-damages]." Indeed, it claimed that the no-penalties clause in the statutory-damage provisions of the Copyright Act of 1909 proves that "[s]tatutory damages in U.S. copyright law began as a relatively modest back-up remedy to ensure that copyright owners could obtain at least some measure of compensation when it was difficult to prove how much damages they had suffered as a result of defendants' infringements."  </p>

<p>And though <em>Statutory Damages</em> admitted that deterrence may have "perhaps" shaped the remedies available against <em>willful</em> infringers under the Copyright Act of 1976, it claimed that otherwise, "[n]othing in the statute or legislative history indicates any Congressional intent to abandon the long-standing compensatory goal of this unusual [statutory damages] remedy...."  </p>

<p>Until recently, of course, when <em>Statutory Damages</em> argued that a suddenly compliant Congress <em>doubled</em> and then <em>trebled</em> the 1976 minimum and maximum statutory-damage awards--while decreeing that statutory damages served previously unknown deterrent and punitive purposes: "The legislative history of the 1999 amendments to Section 504(c) is peppered with statements about the need for 'stringent deterrents' and increased 'penalties' for infringement."  Imagine the horror: "deterrents" and "penalties" against infringements of federal civil rights.</p>

<p>But while this analysis conforms perfectly to Free-Cultist theology, it raises some questions.  For example, how could <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> claim that "[s]tatutory damages in U.S. copyright law began as a relatively modest back-up remedy to ensure... some measure of compensation"?  After all, its own analysis "began" with the Copyright Act of 1909, 118 years after U.S. statutory-damages law actually "began."  </p>

<p>And, jinkies, Scooby Doo, while we are solving that mystery, here is another: Given the rarity of truly penal civil statutes, why would Congress have put a no-penalties clause in the statutory-damages provisions of the Copyright Act of 1909?  Zoinks, Velma, it's almost like <em>preceding</em> U.S. copyright laws must have imposed actual civil penalties, isn't it?</p>

<p>So come on, gang, let's solve some mysteries.  Let's actually <em>think</em> about what "sound copyright policy" toward damage awards <em>ought</em> to achieve.  Let's discover how statutory damages in U.S. copyright law <em>really</em> "began."  Let's accurately describe copyright law under the Copyright Act of 1909 and the Copyright Act of 1976.  And let's try to make <em>rational</em> comparisons between historic and modern statutory-damage awards that could actually reveal something whether their purposes and effects have changed.</p>

<p><strong>Sound copyright policy requires remedies for copyright infringement to be deterrent and punitive, not mostly compensatory</strong>: <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> simply decreed that compensation and avoidance of unjust enrichment, not deterring or punishing infringement, should obviously be the central remedial goal of "sound copyright policy."   Like many knee-jerk <em>diktats</em>, this one is dead wrong.</p>

<p>In the Constitution and every enacted U.S. copyright law, copyrights are meant to confer "exclusive rights," (a.k.a. "property rights"), in an author's original expression.  Because copyrights are intangible property rights, they heighten all of the usual concerns about transaction costs, appropriability, etc., that are important to any system of property rights.  Nevertheless, we grant property rights to producers of socially valuable resources--be they expression or chocolate--for similar reasons.  </p>

<p>In both cases, producers of these resources have property rights in the resources that they produce because potential consumers of these resources have property rights in their money.  Consequently, the opposing property rights of producers and consumers--<em>if both are enforceable and enforced</em>--can thus ensure that a given consumer's money will be <em>consensually</em> exchanged for a unit of a given producer's resource only upon terms that both the consumer and the producer deem mutually beneficial.  This is the central goal of any "sound" copyright policy: encouraging mutually consensual, mutually beneficial exchanges.</p>

<p>Consequently, since the goal of sound policy is to encourage exchanges predicated upon <em>mutual consent and mutual benefit</em>, then the remedies available when someone acquires a socially valuable resource by <em>force</em>--by simply taking it <em>without</em> its producer's consent--must be far more than merely "compensatory."  </p>

<p>For example, suppose that a merchant catches someone shoplifting a candy bar.  If "sound policy" really dictated that remedies for infringements of property rights should only compensate an owner for harm and recoup any unjust enrichment, then the merchant should have to sue the shoplifter to recover the cost of the candy bar and any "unjust enrichment" resulting from either its resale or the gustatory pleasure of eating it.  Under such a regime, shoplifting would become as economically rational and as rampant as copyright piracy would become under the regime of "sound copyright policy" imagined in <em>Statutory Damages</em>.  </p>

<p>Consequently, in reality, the penalties for shoplifting are definitely NOT compensatory: they are, and they should be, deterrent and punitive.  For similar reasons, the penalties for copyright infringement should also be deterrent and punitive--not just compensatory.  Indeed, this will be particularly important as to copyrights because copyright infringement, unlike shoplifting, is very rarely deterred through criminal enforcement.  </p>

<p>In conclusion, the "sound copyright policy" imagined by <em>Statutory Damages</em> is absurd and unsound.  But no one need take my word for it: this is <em>also</em> the consistent verdict of the history of copyright law in the United States.  Consequently, the account of copyright history presented in <em>Statutory Damages</em> had to relentlessly ignore, mischaracterize, or reverse history's actual teachings.  Consider, for example, how statutory-damages in U.S. copyright law really "began."</p>

<p><strong>Back in 1790, when U.S. statutory damages <em>really</em> "began," overtly <em>penal</em> statutory damages were the exclusive monetary remedy for copyright infringement</strong>: statutory damages in U.S. copyright law never "began," as "a relatively modest back-up remedy to ensure that copyright owners could obtain at least some measure of compensation...."  To the contrary, in 1790, George Washington, James Madison and the other authors of the Constitution, the Copyright Clause, and the Due Process Clause imposed statutory damages for copyright infringement that were not just compensatory, deterrent and punitive, but penal in character.  The <a href="http://jessefeder.com/copyright/copyright_laws.aspx">Copyright Act of 1790</a> imposed statutory penalties for unauthorized copying of $0.50/sheet, an amount so high (at the time) that <em>half of any resulting recovery was payable as a civil penalty to the United States</em>.  Nor were the 1790 Act's statutory damages even arguably a "back-up remedy": they were and they would remain the <em>only</em> monetary remedy for copyright infringement for over 65 years and the <em>only </em>monetary remedy for unauthorized copying and publishing for 118 years.  </p>

<p>Later, U.S. copyright law created <em>another</em> statutory-damage remedy as it expanded to provide new rights relating to newer types of works.  In <a href="http://jessefeder.com/copyright/copyright_laws.aspx">1856</a>, Congress conferred a public-performance right upon owners of "dramatic compositions" and provided that courts could award "just" damages for the infringement of these rights "such damages in all cases to be ... not less than one hundred dollars for the first, and fifty dollars for every subsequent performance...."  </p>

<p>Unlike the statutory-damage awards for unauthorized copying, these new statutory-damage awards were not expressly penal.  But were they still intended to deter and punish?  Well, to answer that question, imagine that someone makes 10 innocently infringing public performances of a play.  In 2008, the <em>minimum</em> statutory-damage award for such conduct would be $200.  By contrast, in 1856, the <em>minimum</em> statutory-damage award would have been about $13,750, in comparable 2008 CPI-adjusted dollars.  Given that the 2008 award ranges are intended to deter and punish, the same conclusion follows as to the much higher 1856 awards.</p>

<p>Now that we have analyzed how statutory damages <em>really</em> "began," we can see why the drafters of the Copyright Act of 1909, (which consolidated these <em>two</em> preceding systems of statutory damages), contained a no-penalties clause: historically, most statutory-damage awards had been truly penal in character, so courts might have still treated them as such unless instructed to do otherwise.  But that hardly means that competent, informed scholars can thus conclude that the 1909 Act's no-penalties clause <em>also</em> implicitly disavowed the deterrent and punitive purposes central to any genuinely "sound" policy for copyright damages.</p>

<p>In summary, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> provided a dead-wrong account of how "[s]tatutory damages in U.S. copyright law began...."  In reality, they began as overt penal measures and even their later, more gentle, incarnations provided the deterrence and punishment dictated by sound copyright policy.  <em>Statutory Damages</em> thus bungled its analyses of "sound policy" and how statutory damage law actually "began."  Next, we can consider whether <em>Statutory Damages</em> provided a sound account of the purposes and effects of statutory-damage awards under the Copyright Act of 1909. </p>

<p><strong>The $ 5,814/infringement <em>minimum</em> statutory-damage awards authorized by the Copyright Act of 1909 were not really just compensatory</strong>: <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> offered a deeply flawed analysis of the purposes of statutory damages under the Copyright Act of 1909.  Innumerate comparisons of how statutory-damage-award ranges evolved over time were conjoined with legal analysis that got the law backwards while "overlooking" copious contradictory evidence.</p>

<p><em>Statutory Damages </em>repeatedly made unadjusted comparisons of the value of the statutory-damage-award ranges available in different decades or centuries.  Such comparisons inevitably mislead.  For example, on page 8 and note 53, the authors of <em>Statutory Damages</em> compared the ranges of the statutory damages available in 1909 and 2008: "[T]he range within awards can be made is so much wider under the 1976 Act than under the 1909 Act, in part because Congress has twice further raised statutory damage minima and maxima...."  "The ratio of high to low awards under the 1909 Act was 20:1, with $50000 as the maximum.  The ratio of high to low statutory damage awards under the 1976 Act is now 200:1...." </p>

<p>But the critical question is not <em>whether</em> the "ratio" of minimum-to-maximum awards has increased but <em>how</em> and <em>why</em> it has increased.  Comparing <em>unadjusted </em>1909 and 2008 statutory-damage ranges seem to reveal the potentially disturbing change reported in Statutory Damages: the <em>minimum </em>award seems to have decreased a bit (by 20%) but the <em>maximum</em> award seems to have soared by 3000%. </p>

<p>But we <em>seem </em>to see these changes because <em>Statutory Damages</em> compared apples to oranges by ignoring an obvious reality: The value of a dollar varies by orders of magnitude depending on whether it was obtained in 1909 or 2008.    </p>

<p>Now, granted, economists could probably debate the <em>best way</em>, in this particular context, to adjust historic dollars for inflation so they can be compared to present dollars.  Moreover, the outcome of such debates may depend upon whether we want to understand what an award would have meant to the legislators who authorized it, to the copyright owners who received it, or to the infringers who paid it.  Nevertheless, the need to make <em>some adjustment</em> for inflation before comparing 1909 and 2008 statutory-damage awards should be inescapable to any scholar.   Nor would making <em>some adjustment</em> unduly burden even math-challenged academes. </p>

<p>This can be proven by adjusting for inflation using the Consumer Price Index (CPI) compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).  (Official BLS CPI data only goes back to 1913, but unofficial sources compile U.S. CPI data back to the 1700s.)  CPI data is the most common means to adjust for inflation, and using it seems sensible here: Statutory Damages focuses on questions of legislative intent, and CPI data should suggest how the average 1909 legislator would have understood the statutory-damage-award ranges in the Copyright Act of 1909.  </p>

<p>But to be clear: I do not purport to have determined that CPI data provides the best means of adjusting for inflation in this context.  Someday, Free-Cultist scholarship could recover from the Lessigation that has afflicted it with the intellectual equivalent of pancreatic cancer.  If so, then questions about best adjustments could become relevant.  Should such events transpire, I will analyze this matter more seriously, and, perhaps, reach a different conclusion.  </p>

<p>But serious analysis is not needed to expose the folly of <em>Statutory Damages</em>.  Consequently, I am using CPI data partly because doing so seems sensible, and partly because doing so proves how easily anyone could have made some adjustment for inflation when comparing 1909 and 2008 statutory-damage ranges.  My adjustments of post-1912 dollars thus rely upon the math-phobic-friendly BLS <a href="http://www.bls.gov/data/inflation_calculator.htm">Inflation Calculator</a>, and my adjustments of pre-1913 dollars thus rely upon this unofficial <a href="http://oregonstate.edu/cla/polisci/faculty-research/sahr/sahr.htm">table</a> that shows how to make the required calculations.  When these sources are used to express 1909 and 2008 statutory-damage awards in 2008 dollars, a different tale is told: </p>

<div style="text-align: center;"><u>Statutory-Damages Ranges (in rounded 2008 CPI-adjusted dollars)</u></div>
<div><a name="0.1_table01"></a>
<div align="left">
<table cellspacing="0" width="638" border="2">
<tbody>
<tr valign="top">
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Year</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Innocent-infringer minimum</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Non-innocent minimum</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Non-innocent maximum</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Willful-infringer maximum</b></font></td></tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>1909</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$5,814</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$5,814</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$116,279</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$116,279</font></td></tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>2008</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$200</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$750</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$30,000</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$150,000</font></td></tr></tbody></table></div><br /><br />
<p>Even this basic attempt to rationally compare 1909 and 2008 statutory-damage-award ranges reveals how badly Statutory Damages in Copyright Law misled its readers.  The real difference between 2008 and 1909 statutory damage is that the 2008 minimum award is now much lower than it was in 1909.  By 2008, the minimum award had decreased by 97% from the 1909 minimum, while the 2008 maximum increased by only 22% from the 1909 maximum.  Congress would now have to increase the minimum 2008 statutory-damage award by 2907% in order to return it to its 1909 level.  </p>

<p>On their face, the unadjusted "ratio" comparisons in <em>Statutory Damages</em> made it seem that between 1909 and 2008, statutory-damage-award ranges changed because the maximum award had increased by 3000%.  But that was a delusion.  Reality was almost precisely the opposite.  And this is why scholars who want to understand statutory damages must adjust for inflation when comparing 1909 and 2008 award ranges.</p>

<p>Consequently, statutory-damage awards in 1909 surely deterred and punished infringement far more severely than those available in 2008.  So when <em>Statutory Damages</em> lamented increasing minimum/maximum statutory-damage ratios, it complained mostly about the drastic <em>decrease</em> in the statutory minimums.  If eliminating this decrease would make the authors of <em>Statutory Damages</em> happy, copyright owners might even support efforts to return the 2008 statutory minimums and maximums to their CPI-adjusted 1909 levels.  </p>

<p>Moreover, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em>'s thesis about the purposes of statutory damages under the Copyright Act of 1909 also suffered from another fatal flaw: simple legal research would have proven that those who practiced under the 1909 Act utterly rejected it.</p>

<p>For example, on page 5, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> reported, "the Supreme Court held that the 1909 Act's statutory damage provision was inapplicable when profits were proven."  Wrong: the Supreme Court held precisely the opposite.  <em>See</em> F.W. Woolworth Co. v. Contemporary Arts, Inc., 344 U.S. 228 (1952) (holding that statutory damages were applicable even though "the [defendant's] profits realized were established by uncontroverted evidence").  In so holding, the Court also explicitly rejected claims that compensation and avoidance of unjust enrichment were all that sound statutory-damages policy should achieve or did achieve under the Copyright Act of 1909:</p>

<blockquote>[A] rule of liability which merely takes away the profits from an infringement would offer little discouragement to infringers.  It would fall short of an effective sanction for enforcement of the copyright policy.  The statutory rule, formulated after long experience, not merely compels restitution of profit and reparation for injury but also is designed to discourage wrongful conduct....  Even for uninjurious and unprofitable invasions of copyright the court may, if it deems just, impose a liability within statutory limits to sanction and vindicate the statutory policy.</blockquote>

<p>Nor did scholars have to trust the Supreme Court's conclusion that 1909-Act statutory damages were intended to deter and punish wrongdoing--not just compensate and prevent unjust enrichment.  Serious efforts to revise the Copyright Act of 1909 began in the mid-1950s when Congress directed the Copyright Office to prepare detailed studies of most aspects of U.S. copyright law.  Two of these studies focused on damages.  Both are, as Statutory Damages might put it, "peppered" with references to the punitive and deterrent intentions, purposes, and effects of statutory-damage awards levied under the 1909 Act.  See William S. Strauss, <em>Study No. 22: The Damages Provisions of the Copyright Law</em>, at 9, 14, 42, 43, 45, 47, 51, (Oct. 1956) (Comm. Print 1960); Ralph S. Brown, Jr. et al., <em>Study No. 23: The Operation of the Damage Provisions of the Copyright Law</em>¸at 82, 98, 103-104 (Mar. 1958) (Comm. Print 1960). </p>

<p>As a result, competent analysis cannot conclude that statutory damages under the Copyright Act of 1909 were somehow mostly compensatory or less punitive than present statutory-damage awards.  For now, we can thus ignore sound policy, the beginnings of U.S. statutory-damages law and statutory-damages awards under the Copyright Act of 1909.  The remaining question is whether Statutory Damages in Copyright Law competently analyzed statutory-damage awards under the Copyright Act of 1976.</p>

<p><strong>In 1976, the Copyright Act authorized statutory-damage awards more severe than those authorized in 2008</strong>: After bungling its analyses of sound copyright policy, of how statutory damages "began" and of statutory damages under the Copyright Act of 1909, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> then stumbled onto the upturned rake of the Copyright Act of 1976.  Familiar pratfalls ensued: Innumerate comparisons were conjoined with inept legal "analysis."    </p>

<p>Again, <em>Statutory Damages</em> made unadjusted comparisons of the permissible range of statutory damage-awards in 1976 and 2008.  But this time, the result was scholarly <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seppuku">seppuku</a>: on pages 10-11,  <em>Statutory Damages</em> unwittingly executed its own thesis when it bewailed the "most significant pro-plaintiff broadening of the 1976 Act's statutory damage provision, namely the creation of a new, much higher maximum for statutory damage awards against 'willful infringers'":</p>

<blockquote>For ordinary infringements, the 1976 Act allowed awards between $250 and $10,000 per infringed work, but it authorized awards of up to $50,000 per infringed work for willful infringements....

<p>Subsequent amendments have increased the range for what are presumably ordinary acts of infringement from $250 to $750 as the minimum, and from $10,000 to $30,000 per infringed work as the maximum....  [T]he willful infringement maximum is [now] $150,000....</blockquote></p>

<p>Oh, the humanity!  But before we equate this trebling-over-42-years with the fiery demise of the airship <em>Hindenburg</em>, consider this interesting fact: in 1976, twelve ounces of Corn Flakes cost $0.46; in 2008, they cost $2.99.  </p>

<p>Again, the sextupling-over-the-same-42-years price of Corn Flakes should suggest that anyone posing as a serious scholar really <em>must</em> adjust for inflation before comparing 1976 and 2008 statutory-damage awards.  CPI data can thus be used to express 1976 and 2008 statutory-damage-award ranges in comparable 2008 dollars:</p>

<div style="text-align: center;"><u>Statutory-Damages Ranges (in rounded 2008 CPI-adjusted dollars)</u></div>

<a name="0.1_table02"></a>
<div align="left">
<table cellspacing="0" width="638" border="2">
<tbody>
<tr valign="top">
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Year</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Innocent-infringer minimum</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Non-innocent minimum</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Non-innocent maximum</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>Willful-infringer maximum</b></font></td></tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>1976</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$378</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$946</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$37,839</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$189,124</font></td></tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3"><b>2008</b></font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$200</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$750</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$30,000</font></td>
<td><font face="Calibri" size="3">$150,000</font></td></tr></tbody></table></div></div></div>

<p>Well, so much for that "most significant pro-plaintiff broadening of the 1976 Act's statutory damage provision."  It did not even adjust for inflation.  Moreover, this also means that the analysis of statutory damages under the 1976 Act presented in <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> was affirmatively self-refuting--rhetorical <em>seppuku</em>.  </p>

<p><em>Statutory Damages </em>claimed that the statutory damages authorized by the Copyright Act of 1976 were not self-evidently punitive, but that today's statutory damages are self-evidently punitive-- because of that awful trebling-over-40-years that effected that "most significant pro-plaintiff broadening of the 1976 Act's statutory damage provision."  But if we at least <em>try</em> to rationally compare statutory-damage ranges in 1976 and 2008, we find that today's statutory ranges are significantly lower than they were in 1976.  So if the range of today's statutory-damage awards makes their deterrent/punitive character self-evident, then, in 1976, the punitive/deterrent character of statutory-damage awards was even more self-evident.   <em>Statutory Damages</em> thus eviscerated its own implausible thesis about the non-deterrent/non-punitive purposes of statutory damages under the original Copyright Act of 1976.</p>

<p>After butchering both the economics of post-1976 statutory damages and its own thesis, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> then mischaracterized the law of post-1976 statutory damages: </p>

<blockquote>Nothing in the [Copyright Act of 1976] or [its] legislative history indicates any Congressional intent to abandon the long-standing compensatory goal of [statutory damages], except perhaps as to willful infringers who could now be subject to enhanced damages.</blockquote>

<p>This was mere self-contradiction: on its face, the caveat in the last clause refutes the non sequitur in the first.  Worse yet, the caveat was understated.  To be accurate, <em>Statutory Damages</em> would have had to have made the following claim:</p>

<blockquote>Nothing in the Copyright Act of 1976 or its legislative history indicates any Congressional intent to abandon the long-standing compensatory goal of statutory damages, except the text of the Copyright Act of 1976 and its legislative history.</blockquote>

<p>The text of the Copyright Act of 1976 clearly reveals that Congress was either unaware of, or was deliberately departing from, the alleged "long-standing compensatory goal" of statutory damages imagined in <em>Statutory Damages</em>.  Indeed, this is so clear that even <em>Statutory Damages</em> must concede that this is "perhaps" evident in the provisions of the Act that "enhance," by orders of magnitude, awards against willful infringers.  </p>

<p>But even that "perhaps" is a reality-denying absurdity.  The structure of the statutory-damages provisions of the 1976 Act precludes serious claims that they were "perhaps" purely or mostly compensatory.  The Act combined (1) a broad "base-range" of minimum/maximum damages, with (2) a provision for a 50% decrease in the base-range minimum if an infringement was innocent, and (3) a provision for a 500% increase in the base-range maximum if an infringement was willful.  This tripartite, culpability-base structure is only explicable by motives of deterrence and punishment.  For example, the Committee Reports on the 1976 Act confirm that <em>even the statutory minimum for an innocent infringer was intended to deter</em>:</p>

<blockquote>The [innocent infringement] exception, which would allow reduction of minimum statutory damages to $100 where the infringer "was not aware and had no reason to believe that his or her acts constituted an infringement of copyright," is sufficient to protect against unwarranted liability in cases of occasional or isolated innocent infringement....  On the other hand, by establishing a realistic floor for liability, the provision preserves its intended deterrent effect; and it would not allow an infringer to escape simply because the plaintiff failed to disprove the defendant's claim of innocence.</blockquote>

<p>E.g., H.R. Rep. 94-1476, at 163 (1976); <em>but see Statutory Damages</em> at 3 (claiming that the "application of statutory damages has too often strayed from the compensatory impulse underlying statutory damages for [innocent infringement]").</p>

<p>The preceding paragraph shows that <em>Statutory Damages</em> was--once again--dead wrong when it claimed that "[n]othing in... the legislative history" of the 1976 Act indicated that statutory damages were intended to punish and deter.  In fact, that history ceaselessly confirmed that statutory damages were intended to punish and deter.  As noted previously, the 1957 studies of practice under the 1909 Act are "peppered" with in references to the deterrent and punitive purposes of statutory damages under the 1909 Act.  Such references also recur in the 1961 <em>Register's Report on the General Revision of the U.S. Copyright Law</em> (pp. 103, 103, 104).  They recur again in the 1965 <em>Supplemental Register's Report on the General Revision of the U.S. Copyright Law</em> (pp. 56, 137).  And they re-appear in the 1975 <em>Second Supplementary Register's Report on the General Revision of the U.S. Copyright Law</em> (p. 340).  Similar references in the decades of hearings, legislative debates, and Committee Reports published during the Fourth General Revision are too numerous to list.</p>

<p>In conclusion, <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em> presented a consistently fabricated "history" of statutory damages in U.S. copyright law.  It failed to correctly describe what "sound copyright policy" should really achieve, how statutory-damage awards really began, what they were really intended to achieve under the Copyright Act of 1909, and what they were really intended to achieve under the Copyright Act of 1976.  Scholars are entitled to their own opinions--but not their own alternate reality.</p>

<p>And, sadly, this only begins a thorough accounting of the many inexcusable deficiencies and errors in <em>Statutory Damages in Copyright Law</em>.  If this is what the "Lessigation" of intellectual-property "scholarship" has wrought, then no kudos are due.</p>

<p><br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Cyberbullying Legislation Debate: Video from FOSI Capitol Hill Event (6/12)</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/07/cyberbullying_legislation_debate_video_from_fosi_c.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5578</id>

    <published>2009-07-01T18:28:18Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-01T18:29:21Z</updated>

    <summary>As I noted recently, Berin Szoka and I just released a big PFF white paper (PDF) entitled, &quot;Cyberbullying Legislation: Why Education is Preferable to Regulation,&quot; which examines two very different federal approaches to the issue. One approach is focused on...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Adam Thierer</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Free Speech" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Online Safety &amp; Parental Controls" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>As <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/19/cyberbullying-legislation-why-education-is-preferable-to-regulation/">I noted recently</a>, Berin Szoka and I just released a big PFF white paper (<a href="http://www.pff.org/issues-pubs/pops/2009/pop16.12-cyberbullying-education-better-than-regulation.pdf">PDF</a>) entitled, "<strong>Cyberbullying Legislation: Why Education is Preferable to Regulation</strong>," which examines two very different federal approaches to the issue. One approach is focused on the creation of a new federal crime to punish cyberbullying, which would include fines and jail time for violators. One approach, set forth by Rep. Linda Sánchez (D-CA) in <a href="http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:H.R.1966:">H.R. 1966</a> (originally <a href="http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=110_cong_bills&amp;docid=f:h6123ih.txt.pdf">H.R. 6123</a>), the "Megan Meier Cyberbullying Prevention Act," would create a new federal felony: "Whoever transmits in interstate or foreign commerce any communication, with the intent to coerce, intimidate, harass, or cause substantial emotional distress to a person, using electronic means to support severe, repeated, and hostile behavior, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both."</p>

<p>The other legislative approach is education-based and would create an Internet safety education grant program to address the issue in schools and communities. In mid-May, the "School and Family Education about the Internet (SAFE Internet) Act" (<a href="http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:S.1047:">S. 1047</a>) was introduced in the Senate by Sen. Robert Menendez (D-NJ) and in the House by Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL). The measure proposes an Internet safety education grant program that will be administered by the Department of Justice, in concurrence with the Department of Education, and the Department of Health &amp; Human Services.</p>

<p>On June 12, the <a href="http://www.fosi.org">Family Online Safety Institute</a> (FOSI) hosted a discussion about these bill on Cap Hill, which was moderated by FOSI CEO Stephen Balkam. Representatives from both Rep. Sanchez's and Sen. Menendez's offices were on hand to discuss their bills, and I provided some feedback based upon what Berin and I concluded in our paper.  It was a good discussion and I encourage you to <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FsCpOgwTqQM">watch the whole thing</a> because there were some good questions from the audience later in the show.</p>

<p><object width="500" height="304" data="http://www.youtube.com/v/FsCpOgwTqQM&amp;hl=en&amp;fs=1&amp;" type="application/x-shockwave-flash"><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true" /><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always" /><param name="src" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/FsCpOgwTqQM&amp;hl=en&amp;fs=1&amp;" /><param name="allowfullscreen" value="true" /></object></p>]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Facebook, Twitter, Online Identity Integration &amp; the Future of Anonymity</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/facebook_twitter_online_identity_integration_the_f.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5577</id>

    <published>2009-06-30T02:09:46Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-30T02:11:51Z</updated>

    <summary><![CDATA[The Wired article ("Great Wall of Facebook: The Social Network's Plan to Dominate the Internet -- and Keep Google Out") I discussed yesterday touched on another issue near &amp; dear to my heart (besides the importance of smarter advertising): the...]]></summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Free Speech" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    <category term="anonymous" label="anonymous" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="deputization" label="deputization" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="deputizethemiddleman" label="deputize the middleman" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="facebook" label="Facebook" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="freespeech" label="free speech" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="identityintegration" label="Identity Integration" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="onlineanonymity" label="online anonymity" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="onlineintemediary" label="online intemediary" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="section230" label="section 230" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="thirdpartysubpoena" label="third party subpoena" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="twitter" label="twitter" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>The Wired article ("<a href="http://www.wired.com/techbiz/it/magazine/17-07/ff_facebookwall?currentPage=all">Great Wall of Facebook: The Social Network's Plan to Dominate the Internet -- and Keep Google Out</a>") I <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/27/facebook-v-google-v-techno-aquarians/">discussed</a> yesterday touched on another issue near &amp; dear to my heart (besides the importance of smarter advertising): the future of online anonymity. The article lays out Facebook's "4-Step Plan for Online Domination," which involves "colonizing" the web though Facebook's <a href="http://developers.facebook.com/connect.php">Connect</a> (launched Dec. 2008) and <a href="http://mashable.com/2009/04/27/facebook-open-stream-api-the-next-huge-platform/">Open Stream API</a> (launched April 2009) initiatives, which:<br />
<blockquote>don't just allow users to access their Facebook networks from anywhere online. They also help realize Facebook's longtime vision of giving users a unique, Web-wide online profile. By linking Web activity to Facebook accounts, they begin to replace the largely anonymous "no one knows you're a dog" version of online identity with one in which every action is tied to who users really are.</p>

<p>To hear Facebook executives tell it, this will make online interactions more meaningful and more personal. <strong>Imagine, for example, if online comments were written by people using their real names rather than by anonymous trolls.</strong> "Up until now all the advancements in technology have said information and data are the most important thing," says <a href="http://www.linkedin.com/in/davemorin">Dave Morin</a>, Facebook's senior platform manager. "The most important thing to us is that there is a person sitting behind that keyboard. We think the Internet is about people."</blockquote><br />
The bolded prediction of what I would call "Online Identity Integration" is already happening.  To take one tiny example, readers can now post comments on the TLF by logging into Disqus (our Comment Management System) through their Facebook (or Twitter) account, which will also allow them to automatically share those comments on Facebook (or Twitter). This is purely opt-in: Users are free to continue to post anonymous comments. But as more websites and platforms implement such Identity Integration functionality, a growing percentage of online speech will be tied to profiles offered by major social networks.</p>

<p>Some free speech advocates are sure to bemoan Identity Integration as directly undermining online anonymity. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>But as long as such a trend is voluntary, driven by the desire of users to integrate their online presence to make it more manageable, I think Identity Integration will be a good thing not only for users, but also for free speech. As the recent use of social media by the Iranian opposition has amply demonstrated, sites like Facebook and Twitter are more than just "social networks":  they are online speech platforms that profoundly democratize communications. Integrating my online soapboxes amplifies my voice--for example, by letting me easily share my comments on scattered blogs with my friends on Facebook or followers on Twitter.</p>

<p>But, of course, if Identity Integration increases the user's perception that "someone" might be monitoring what they say online, and might punish them for it, either in a tort suit or... a torture chamber, online speech will certainly be chilled, even if it is more "effective" on some level. Identity Integration will certainly make it easier for a plaintiff to identify who posted a defamatory comment about them, but still not automatic. Sites like Facebook will face increased pressure to divulge identifying information about their users. Even if an allegedly defamatory comment on a blog is tied to the Facebook profile of what appears to be a real person, a plaintiff complaining about that comment would still need to prove to some degree of certainty who actually posted the comment. As social networking sites increasingly become a "critical chokepoint" of online identity, they will probably face pressure to do one or both of the following:<br />
<ol><br />
	<li>Authenticate their users upon initial account creation <em>and</em> upon each subsequent log-in; and</li><br />
	<li>Take down content that is allegedly defamatory or just plain unpopular with a particular politician/mullah/state attorney general.</li><br />
</ol><br />
Concentrating the <em>ability</em> to do these things will certainly make such pressure both more likely to happen and more likely to succeed. It is also likely to strengthen proposals to formally implement such changes in Congress, for example, by discarding or amending the immunity of online intermediaries under Section 230, something my PFF colleague Adam Thierer has recently discussed <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/03/06/the-future-of-sec-230-and-online-immunity-my-debate-with-harvards-john-palfrey/">here</a> and <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/05/14/emerging-threats-to-section-230/">here</a>. I hope Facebook, Twitter and others are ready for the pressure. But online middlemen don't <em>want</em> to be deputized into policing their users, particularly when that means making highly subjective determinations of, say, whether content is defamatory.</p>

<p>Rather than criticize online intermediaries for developing Identity Integration technologies that make it easier to identify online speakers, free speech advocates need to be willing to do two things:<br />
<ol><br />
	<li>Accept that some users will freely choose <em>less</em> anonymity (such as by posting using Facebook Connect) and that's ok. Identity Integration technologies create real value and, much as defenders of online anonymity don't like to admit it, they will also both reduce online defamation and make it easier for the truly aggrieved to find justice--both good things.</li><br />
	<li>Protecting online anonymity will mean joining forces with Facebook, Twitter, <em>etc</em>. to help them fend off pressure to identify their users except under a "third party subpoena" validly issued by a court that has weighed the First Amendment values at stake against legitimate suits by the truly aggrieved--something I detailed <a href="http://techliberation.com/2008/08/03/under-appreciated-existing-legal-remedies-for-trolling-defamation-and-other-malwebolent-invasions-of-privacy/">here</a>.</li><br />
</ol></p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>A Posterboy for Advertising&apos;s Pro-Consumer Quid Pro Quo</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/a_posterboy_for_advertisings_pro-consumer_quid_pro.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5576</id>

    <published>2009-06-30T02:07:24Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-30T02:15:08Z</updated>

    <summary>The advocates of regulation pay lip service to the importance of advertising in funding online content and services but don&apos;t seem to understand that this quid pro quo is a fragile one: Tipping the balance, even slightly, could have major...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    <category term="advertising" label="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="behavioraladvertising" label="behavioral advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="benefits" label="benefits" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="berinszoka" label="berin szoka" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="bing" label="bing" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="consumers" label="consumers" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="dataprivacy" label="data privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="freelunch" label="free lunch" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="frozenyogurt" label="frozen yogurt" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="live" label="live" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="michaelcole" label="michael cole" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="microsoft" label="Microsoft" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="mryogato" label="mr yogato" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="quidproquo" label="quid pro quo" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="regulation" label="regulation" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="rulesofyogato" label="Rules of Yogato" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="tanstaafl" label="TANSTAAFL" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="thereisnofreelunch" label="there is no free lunch" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>The advocates of regulation pay lip service to the importance of advertising in funding online content and services but don't seem to understand that this <em>quid pro quo</em> is a fragile one:  Tipping the balance, even slightly, could have major consequences for continued online creativity and innovation.</p>

<p><a title="Michael-Mr-Yogato by bszoka, on Flickr" href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/29998393@N02/3656383133/"><img class="alignright" src="http://farm4.static.flickr.com/3315/3656383133_7b65b3ca69.jpg" alt="Michael-Mr-Yogato" width="237" height="315" /></a></p><p><a title="Michael-Mr-Yogato by bszoka, on Flickr" href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/29998393@N02/3656383133/"></a>Who is this handsome young man and why does he have "Mr. Yogato Stamped Me!!!" on his forehead?  More importantly, why does he look so darn happy?</p>

<p><strong><em>Flashback</em></strong>: Earlier this week, my partner Michael (pictured) and I visited <a href="http://www.mryogato.com/">Mr. Yogato</a>, a frozen yogurt shop in Washington's Dupont Circle neighborhood which describes itself as "the FUNNEST yogurt experience you'll ever have."</p>

<p>Apart from serving exceptionally tasty frozen yogurt and letting customers play a vintage Nintendo, Mr. Yogato is famous for the eight "<a href="http://www.mryogato.com/rules.php">Rules of Yogato</a>," which offer discounts if users achieve certain feats, including:</p><ul><li>Answering devilishly difficult trivia (10% off--or extra if you fail)</li><li>Reciting the <span>Stirling battlefield speech from Braveheart in a great Scottish accent (20% off)</span></li></ul>But the best discount, which Michael does every time (unless I'm there to help identify, say, countries that end in 'L'), is offered for wearing the Yogato stamp on your forehead. Being stamped is, of course, <em>almost</em> as much fun as singing along to "Mr. Roboto" if you're lucky enough to hear that played while you're in the shop (10% off).  But the real fun is in engaging passersby on the street about the icy-sweet joys of Yogato. It's also, of course, probably the most effective advertising Mr. Yogato could ever want.<p></p>

<p>So, the next time you hear Adam Thierer and I talk about the benefits of advertising, especially online, just remember that while <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/25/there-is-no-free-lunch-no-advertising-no-media/">there is no free lunch</a> (nor free frozen yogurt), there <em>is</em> <strong>discounted</strong> frozen yogurt.  It's a simple, obvious <em>quid pro quo</em>:  10% off in exchange for spreading the Gospel of Yogato.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>The most obvious example of a <em>quid pro quos</em> is the use of discount cards in grocery stores: Users receive discounts in exchange for having their purchases tracked, which allows advertisers to target advertising to them and the grocery store to better manage its inventory. Online, Microsoft's Live search engine (now Bing) pioneered the use of rewarding users with "cashback" for purchases made through the search engine.</p>

<p>But the more significant quid <em>pro quo online</em> is <em>indirect</em>: users receive "free" content and services in exchange for seeing advertising and sharing data about their browsing habits, which makes advertising significantly better targeted, more effective for advertisers and therefore more profitable for online content publishers and service providers. As Adam and I noted in <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/02/13/targeted-online-advertising-what%e2%80%99s-the-harm-where-are-we-heading/">response</a> to the FTC's recently-released self-regulatory guidelines for "behavioral advertising" (now likely to be superseded by pre-emptive "privacy" legislation):<br />
</p><blockquote>The advocates of regulation pay lip service to the importance of advertising in funding online content and services but don't seem to understand that this quid pro quo is a fragile one:  Tipping the balance, even slightly, could have major consequences for continued online creativity and innovation.<p></p>

<p>[FTC] Commission Harbour talks about companies competing on privacy as a "non-price dimension"-and that is clearly a positive thing.  In traditional economics, there are three primary variables that are considered when discussing industry competition and efforts to regulate market structures: price, quantity, and quality.  But in the context of the Internet, where digital economics have relentlessly driven prices down to zero, and where advertising support has become the only viable business model for most providers of content and services,  the price variable has largely been removed from the picture.  This means-unless industry could somehow find a way to make pay-per-use, pay-per-view, or subscription-based models work in the future-that regulation of online advertising would have its most dramatic impact on the quantity and quality of content and services provided.</p>

<p>Depending on how regulation is structured, therefore, it is possible that new privacy mandates would severely curtail the overall quantity of content and services offered-and greatly limit the ability of new providers to enter the market with innovative offerings.  Alternatively, or perhaps additionally, companies would change the character of their offerings and water-down sophisticated services that cater to consumer demand; in other words, the quality of service would deteriorate.</p>

<p>Bottom line:  Something must give because there is no free lunch.   Regulation is a giant game of economic whack-a-mole:  Attempting to control one of the primary variables of price, quantity, or quality inevitably results in non-optimal adjustments in the other two variables.  The absence of price as a variable in this context means there is one less variable for the government to control in the first place.  Simply stated, stifling the evolution of the online advertising marketplace will likely result in fewer free online services and less content, less high-quality online services and content, or some combination of both....</p>

<p>Apart from a hardcore fringe who embrace the Marxist dogma that advertising is inherently deceptive and wasteful, most participants in this debate at least pay lip service to the economic importance of online advertising.  One might therefore be lulled into a false sense of complacency that "sensible" regulation (or government-led co-regulation) would surely avoid crippling this dynamo.  This widespread assumption calls to mind the famous quip of Chris Patten, last British Governor of Hong Kong, who paraphrased those who dismissed his concerns about the potentially negative effects of a Chinese take-over of the British colony in 1997, as follows:  "It is unimaginable that the Chinese would kill such a goose."  To this, Patten responded, "Yet we wouldn't need the metaphor of golden eggs and geese if history weren't full of dead geese."   The dangers of regulation to the health of the Internet are real, but the ease with which government could disrupt the economic motor of the Internet (advertising) is not widely understood-and therein lies the true danger in this debate.</p></blockquote>I think Mr. Yogato would understand this. Let's hope Chairman Boucher and the folks on the Hill who seem to be so adamant about regulation do, too.<p></p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Great Summary of Section 230</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/great_summary_of_section_230.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5575</id>

    <published>2009-06-30T02:01:55Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-30T02:06:36Z</updated>

    <summary>Eric Goldman offers a terrific--and concise--summary of Section 230 and how courts have recently interpreted its grant of broad immunity to online intermediaries, most notably: 47 USC 230 tries to divide online content into first party content and third party...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="E-commerce" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    <category term="ericgoldaman" label="eric goldaman" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="intermediaryimmunity" label="intermediary immunity" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="section230" label="section 230" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Eric Goldman offers a terrific--and <em>concise</em>--<a href="http://blog.ericgoldman.org/archives/2009/06/47_usc_230_and.htm">summary of Section 230</a> and how courts have recently interpreted its grant of broad immunity to online intermediaries, most notably:<br />
<blockquote>47 USC 230 tries to divide online content into first party content and third party content. In its simplest form, 230 says that online actors can't be liable for third party content unless (1) ECPA, (2) federal criminal enforcement, or (3) IP claims.</blockquote><br />
It's worth reading the rest.</p>]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Facebook v. Google v. the Techno-Aquarians</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/facebook_v_google_v_the_techno-aquarians.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5574</id>

    <published>2009-06-30T01:42:29Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-30T02:01:39Z</updated>

    <summary>Fred Vogelstein&apos;s essay in Wired, &quot;Great Wall of Facebook: The Social Network&apos;s Plan to Dominate the Internet -- and Keep Google Out&quot; describes the intensifying clash between Google and Facebook--a clash that focuses on the ability to target advertising: Like...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    <category term="advertising" label="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="ageofaquarius" label="age of aquarius" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="aquarius" label="aquarius" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="bing" label="bing" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="competition" label="competition" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="connect" label="connect" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="facebook" label="Facebook" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="facebookconnect" label="facebook connect" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="fredvogelstein" label="Fred Vogelstein" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="google" label="Google" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="hair" label="hair" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="havetheircake" label="have their cake" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="interestbasedadvertising" label="interest based advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="internationale" label="internationale" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="internet" label="internet" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="luddite" label="Luddite" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="microsoft" label="Microsoft" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="nannystate" label="nanny-state" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="nofreelunch" label="no free lunch" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="oba" label="OBA" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="onlinebehavioraladvertising" label="online behavioral advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="openstreamapi" label="open stream api" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="peoplefortheethicaltreatmentofdata" label="people for the ethical treatment of data" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="petd" label="petd" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="regulation" label="regulation" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="targetedadvertising" label="targeted advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="technoaquarians" label="techno-aquarians" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="wired" label="Wired" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="yahoo" label="Yahoo" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Fred Vogelstein's essay in Wired, "<a href="http://www.wired.com/techbiz/it/magazine/17-07/ff_facebookwall?currentPage=all">Great Wall of Facebook: The Social Network's Plan to Dominate the Internet -- and Keep Google Out</a>" describes the intensifying clash between Google and Facebook--a clash that focuses on the ability to target advertising:<br />
<blockquote>Like typical trash-talking youngsters, Facebook sources argue that their competition is old and out of touch. "Google is not representative of the future of technology in any way," one Facebook veteran says. "Facebook is an advanced communications network enabling myriad communication forms. It almost doesn't make sense to compare them."</blockquote><br />
Apart from noting that Facebook directs users to Microsoft's Bing as its default search engine for the Internet at large, the most interesting part of the article is Facebook's "4-Step Plan for Online Domination":<br />
<blockquote>1. <strong>Build critical mass</strong>. In the eight months ending in April, Facebook has doubled in size to 200 million members, who contribute 4 billion pieces of info, 850 million photos, and 8 million videos every month. The result: a second Internet, one that includes users' most personal data and resides entirely on Facebook's servers.</p>

<p>2. <strong>Redefine search</strong>. Facebook thinks its members will turn to their friends--rather than Google's algorithms--to navigate the Web. It already drives an eyebrow-raising amount of traffic to outside sites, and that will only increase once Facebook Search allows users to easily explore one another's feeds.</p>

<p>3. <strong>Colonize the Web</strong>. Thanks to a pair of new initiatives--dubbed Facebook Connect and Open Stream--users don't have to log in to Facebook to communicate with their friends. Now they can access their network from any of 10,000 partner sites or apps, contributing even more valuable data to Facebook's servers every time they do it.</p>

<p>4. <strong>Sell targeted ads, everywhere</strong>.  Facebook hopes to one day sell advertising across all of its partner sites and apps, not just on its own site. The company will be able to draw on the immense volume of personal data it owns to create extremely targeted messages. The challenge: not freaking out its users in the process.</blockquote><br />
Facebook can't keep losing money forever.  Indeed, investors are willing to keep sinking money into Facebook during Phases 1-3 because they think it will pay off in Phase 4--when Facebook really threatens to be a fGoogle-killer.  But rather the fact that investors are willing to subsidize the creation of a wonderful platform now used by 200 million people (one fifth of all Internet users worldwide), or that Facebook might finally provide a counter-weight to the fearsome Google, the <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/17/behavioral-advertising-industry-practices-hearing-some-issues-that-need-to-be-discussed/">People for the Ethical Treatment of Data</a> (PETD) are appalled.  One <a href="http://www.wired.com/techbiz/it/magazine/17-07/ff_facebookwall?currentPage=1&amp;showAllComments=true&amp;commentId=92zn">commenter</a> on the Wired story put it best:</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<blockquote>I find it amazing that people will willingly post personal information to websites that will only use it for data mining and advertising revenue. They lay their entire life open to a corporation that's only looking to profit from the information said corporation can gather for itself or it's affiliates.

<p>When the government reads our emails, listens to our phone conversations, reads our text messages and monitors what we do online people are outraged at the invasion of our privacy. But then they log in to Facebook or Myspace or Twitter and reveal all.</p>

<p>The Facebook "community". Please. <strong>It's a way for Big Business to pry into our private lives and exploit us in any way they can for the money they can make</strong>.</blockquote><br />
Such arrogant entitlement is astonishing--but hardly atypical: What makes this person (or his PETD comrades) so certain that they really know what's best for everyone else and that Facebook users are poor, ignorant suckers being victimized by corporate greed?  As <a href="http://techliberation.com/2008/09/24/online-advertising-user-privacy-principles-to-guide-the-debate/">Adam Thierer</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/02/13/targeted-online-advertising-what%e2%80%99s-the-harm-where-are-we-heading/">and I</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/03/11/google%e2%80%99s-ad-preference-manager-one-small-step-for-google-one-giant-leap-for-privacy/">have</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/04/05/new-heights-in-googlephobia-a-delinquent-sociopathic-parasite/">been</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/17/behavioral-advertising-industry-practices-hearing-some-issues-that-need-to-be-discussed/">saying</a>, <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/25/there-is-no-free-lunch-no-advertising-no-media/">there is no free lunch</a>! Do the PETD folks expect investors to pour hundreds of millions into building innovative social networks like Facebook out of... love?  As Adam Smith put it, "It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the <em>baker</em> that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest."</p>

<p>While most in the PETD crowd are too young (or just historically deprived) to know the words to <em><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Internationale">The Internationale</a> </em>(my favorite line: "Masses, slaves, arise, arise!"), one can easily imagine them kicking off PETD meetings with a somewhat more recent anthem, <a href="http://www.stlyrics.com/lyrics/hair/aquarius.htm">Aquarius</a>, from the hit 1967 rock musical <em><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hair_(musical)">Hair</a></em>:<br />
<blockquote>When the moon is in the Seventh House<br />
And Jupiter aligns with Mars<br />
Then peace will guide the planets<br />
And love will steer the stars</p>

<p><em>This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius</em></p>

<p>Harmony and understanding<br />
Sympathy and trust abounding<br />
No more falsehoods or derisions<br />
Golden living dreams of visions<br />
Mystic crystal revalation<br />
And the mind's true liberation</blockquote><br />
<em></em></p>

<p>Nothing better captures the spirit of that thankfully-bygone era of narcissistic self-indulgence than the beginning of the 1979 film version:</p>

<p><object width="425" height="350" data="http://www.youtube.com/v/EhbxI5eVnM4" type="application/x-shockwave-flash"><param name="src" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/EhbxI5eVnM4" /></object></p>

<p><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yes,_Virginia,_There_is_a_Santa_Claus">Yes, Virginia</a>, the marijuana-induced socialist-utopian delusions of the Sixties live on in a new generation of Techno-Aquarians, who want to have their digital cake--and eat <em>yours</em> too.  Something for nothing, free lunch for everyone!  Down with profit, up with privacy!  The "vision" (as in "Golden living dreams of") behind this frenzy of frustration with online capitalism and PETD's demands for regulation is what Thomas Sowell has called the "Vision of the Anointed," "the talented few" who consider themselves wiser than everyone else, and therefore seek to impose their preferences on others, as <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/01/thomas-sowell-on-the-model-that-drives-elitist-ideological-crusades/">Adam Thierer</a> and <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/16/the-costs-of-ssl-encryption-for-webmail-other-cloud-services/">I have both discussed</a>.</p>

<p>But back to Wired:<br />
<blockquote>The drumbeat of controversy surrounding Facebook illustrates the catch-22 the social network faces: It has a massive storehouse of user data, but every time it tries to capitalize on that information, its members freak out. This isn't an academic problem; the company's future depends on its ability to master the art of behavioral targeting--selling customized advertising based on user profiles. In theory, this should be an irresistible opportunity for marketers; Facebook's performance advertising program allows them to design and distribute an ad to as narrow an audience as they would like. (It has also developed a program to create ads that are designed to be spread virally.) But as the Beacon debacle showed, there is a fine line between "targeted and useful" and "creepy and stalkerish"--and so far, not enough advertisers have been willing to walk that line...</p>

<p>In a way, Facebook's dilemma extends from its success. Users see the site as sanctified space, a place to engage in intimate conversations with friends--not to be laser-beamed by weirdly personal advertising. But with initiatives like Connect and Open Stream, Facebook can sell ads beyond its own site. Just as Google's AdSense program sells ads on any participating Web site, Connect and Open Stream will eventually push Facebook-brokered advertising to any member site or app. But unlike with AdSense, Facebook's ads could be exquisitely tailored to their targets. "No one out there has the data that we have," says COO Sandberg.</blockquote><br />
Better targeted ads?  More useful information for Internet users?  A strong competitor for Google that could provide an alternative channel for advertisers and help drive up advertising revenue for publishers of "free" content and services?  Sounds great for all concerned.  Oh, but some people find relevant advertising "creepy?"  Ah, well, <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jdH2ODFYV5s">let's call the whole thing off</a>!  I'm sure Facebook will get by just fine selling crudely targeted ads on its own site for pennies a click.  Maybe they could ask for donations or hold a digital bake-sale (including tie-dyed t-shirts, of course)? Or we could just have "the government" support the most popular social networks (along with newspapers, banks, hedge funds and car manufacturers). And while they're at it, why not have wise bureaucrats use antitrust laws to cripple Google and thus make up for the lack of a competitive threat from Facebook and the other Google-killers-that-might-have-been?</p>

<p>Wired suggests that Facebook's strategy played some role in causing Google to <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/03/11/google%e2%80%99s-ad-preference-manager-one-small-step-for-google-one-giant-leap-for-privacy/">embrace Interest-Based (behavioral) Advertising</a>, playing catch-up to No.2 Yahoo!:<br />
<blockquote>Google has even shown a willingness to join Facebook in gingerly tapping the third rail of Internet marketing--behavioral targeting. The search giant has long assured its users that it would never use their personal information to deliver targeted advertising, relying instead on aggregate data or search activity that preserves anonymity. ("There is a line with users that you don't want to cross," Google CEO <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/73bc2fe4-45b4-11de-b6c8-00144feabdc0.html">Eric Schmidt said</a> in the wake of the Beacon controversy.) But in March, Google <a href="http://googleblog.blogspot.com/2009/03/making-ads-more-interesting.html">started its own</a> behavioral targeting campaign--tracking users' browsing to deliver more-customized ads. Users have the option to either edit their profiles or opt out entirely.</blockquote><br />
With Google in the game, the fight is on.  The grand prize is clear--tapping into the most lucrative advertising purchased by leading brands:<br />
<blockquote>Today, global online brand advertising accounts for just $50 billion a year. Offline brand advertising, meanwhile, accounts for an estimated $500 billion.</blockquote><br />
But I doubt there will ever be any clear "winner" in this race.  Instead, we're likely to see fierce competition and ongoing one-upsmanship over the coming decade (and beyond) for users, for user data, and for they ad dollars they bring, among a variety of paradigms for what the Internet of the future should look like.  Facebook has already started implementing its paradigm with  <a href="http://developers.facebook.com/connect.php">Connect</a> (launched Dec. 2008) and  <a href="http://mashable.com/2009/04/27/facebook-open-stream-api-the-next-huge-platform/">Open Stream API</a> (launched April 2009):<br />
<blockquote>Connect and Open Stream don't just allow users to access their Facebook networks from anywhere online. They also help realize Facebook's longtime vision of giving users a unique, Web-wide online profile. By linking Web activity to Facebook accounts, they begin to replace the largely anonymous "no one knows you're a dog" version of online identity with one in which every action is tied to who users really are.</p>

<p>To hear Facebook executives tell it, this will make online interactions more meaningful and more personal...  But you don't build a competitor to Google with people alone. You need data. And Connect and Open Stream are intended to make Facebook a much more powerful force for collecting user information. Any time someone logs in to a site that uses Connect or Open Stream, they give Facebook the right to keep track of any activity that happens there--potentially contributing tons more personal data to Facebook's servers. Facebook Connect and Open Stream are also designed to make each user's friend network, which belongs to Facebook, even more valuable and crucial to the Web experience. Together, they aim to put Facebook users' social networks at the center of all they do online.</blockquote><br />
I, for one, think this competition will create enormous value for users by driving innovation that improves the usefulness of the Internet and increases the amount of funding available for an ever-greater, ever-richer torrent of "free" (ad-supported) content and services.  But if the Techno-Aquarians at PETD succeed in imposing regulatory mandates on the collection and use of online data through <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/17/behavioral-advertising-industry-practices-hearing-some-issues-that-need-to-be-discussed/">legislation</a> or <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/02/13/targeted-online-advertising-what%e2%80%99s-the-harm-where-are-we-heading/">creeping regulation at the FTC</a>, the Internet of the future won't look all that different from the Internet of today: online content and services will continue to attract a small share of all ad dollars (just 7% in 2008), search engines will reap the bulk of that (<a href="http://www.iab.net/insights_research/530422/adrevenuereport">42% in 2008</a>), and most online content-publishers and service-providers will continue to get literally pennies per click while only a few are able to meet evolving standards of quality with purely ad-supported business models.</p>

<p>Heaven forbid we should allow those who offer "free" content and services to extract... <em>profit</em> from the unwashed masses of helpless consumers who are either too stupid, too lazy or too ignorant to manage their own privacy, no matter how powerful the privacy management tools at their disposal! The better alternative is empower users to make their own decisions about privacy, rather than imposing top-down "Industrial Policy for the Internet" on the entire country through outright prohibitions or restrictive defaults concerning data collection and use for targeting advertising--as Adam and I have said:<br />
<blockquote>The ideal state of affairs would be to create a system of tools and data disclosure practices that would empower each user to implement their personal privacy preferences while also recognizing the freedom of those who rely on advertising revenues to "condition the use of their products and services on disclosure of information"--not to mention the viewing of ads!</blockquote><br />
As Google and Facebook do battle with each other, Microsoft, Yahoo! and other upstart rivals as-yet-unknown, I only hope they all--particularly their government affairs departments--remember that their common enemy is the Techno-Aquarians who seek to impose their subjective preferences about privacy on everyone else, no matter the costs to innovation, consumers, culture or media. We'll discuss these trade-offs at our upcoming <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/26/pff-capitol-hill-briefing-online-advertising-regulation-july-10/">PFF Capitol Hill Briefing</a> on July 10.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>PFF Capitol Hill Briefing: Online Advertising Regulation (July 10)</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/pff_capitol_hill_briefing_online_advertising_regul.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5573</id>

    <published>2009-06-26T13:28:32Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-26T13:29:13Z</updated>

    <summary>If you&apos;re in D.C. on July 10, I hope you&apos;ll join us for the following panel discussion (noon-2pm in Room 208 at the U.S. Capitol Visitor Center), which I&apos;ll lead as moderator: Proposals to regulate advertising and data collection on...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>If you're in D.C. on July 10, I hope you'll join us for the following panel discussion (noon-2pm in Room 208 at the U.S. Capitol Visitor Center), which I'll lead as moderator:</p>

<p>Proposals to regulate advertising and data collection on the Internet, mobile phones, and interactive television, hold the promise of enhancing consumer privacy.  On the other hand, "smart advertising" allows more relevant advertising to be targeted directly to individual consumers, making markets more competitive, significantly increasing the funding available for creating free content and services, and increasing the effectiveness of all forms of free speech.  These issues and more will be discussed at "<a href="http://pff.org/events/upcomingevents/071009-regulating-online-advertising.asp">Regulating Online Advertising: What Will it Mean for Consumers, Culture &amp; Journalism?</a>" a congressional seminar hosted by The Progress &amp; Freedom Foundation.</p>

<p>A panel of experts will discuss such topics as the cost of regulation to consumers, its impact on journalism and other non-commercial content, and First Amendment issues concerning the future of culture and political discourse.</p>

<p>Please RSVP <a href="http://pff.org/events/upcomingevents/071009-regulating-online-advertising.asp#reg">here</a>.</p>]]>
        
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>There is No Free Lunch! No Advertising, No Media</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/there_is_no_free_lunch_no_advertising_no_media.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5572</id>

    <published>2009-06-26T13:17:41Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-26T13:27:34Z</updated>

    <summary>Adam Thierer and I have been trying to drive home a simple message in the ongoing debate about targeted online advertising and privacy: &quot;There is no Free Lunch!&quot; We don&apos;t have a lot of friends in this debate, since nearly...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Berin Szoka</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    <category term="ads" label="ads" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="advertising" label="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="content" label="content" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="free" label="Free" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="freelunch" label="free lunch" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="internet" label="internet" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="mediabytes" label="mediabytes" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="online" label="online" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="privacy" label="Privacy" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="services" label="services" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="shellypalmer" label="shelly palmer" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="socialism" label="socialism" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="targetedadvertising" label="targeted advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    <category term="thereisnofreelunch" label="there is no free lunch" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#tag" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Adam Thierer and I <a href="http://techliberation.com/2008/09/24/online-advertising-user-privacy-principles-to-guide-the-debate/">have</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/02/13/targeted-online-advertising-what%e2%80%99s-the-harm-where-are-we-heading/">been</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/03/11/google%e2%80%99s-ad-preference-manager-one-small-step-for-google-one-giant-leap-for-privacy/">trying</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/04/05/new-heights-in-googlephobia-a-delinquent-sociopathic-parasite/">to</a> <a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/17/behavioral-advertising-industry-practices-hearing-some-issues-that-need-to-be-discussed/">drive home</a> a simple message in the ongoing debate about targeted online advertising and privacy:  "<em><strong><a href="http://techliberation.com/2009/06/17/behavioral-advertising-industry-practices-hearing-some-issues-that-need-to-be-discussed/">There is no Free Lunch!</a></strong></em>"  We don't have a lot of friends in this debate, since nearly everyone else seems to assume that online content and services will just continue to fall like manna from heaven if politicians strangle advertising online.  So I was particularly heartened to read the <a href="http://www.shellypalmermedia.com/2009/06/14/a-serious-online-video-advertising-problem/">following</a> from Shelly Palmer:<br />
<blockquote>This is the most serious question facing content producers today. Content costs money to produce. Third-party advertising/sponsor support is one model, promoting your own products is another, subscription is a third. <strong>At the end of the day, there are only three ways it works: I pay, you pay or someone else pays. Unfortunately, there is no business model called "no one pays." </strong>In the case of MediaBytes, the model is "I pay." It works for me as stated above. But, apparently, a fairly large number of people in my audience are uninterested in seeing even relevant product offerings. <strong>Is advertising over? If so, what's next?</strong></blockquote><br />
<em>Amen!</em> Shelly hosts a daily Internet talk show on technology and media called <a href="http://www.shellypalmermedia.com/">MediaBytes</a>.  He  recently tried inserting a short ad at the beginning of the show to cover the significant costs of production:<br />
<blockquote>The show is produced every business day and requires a research staff, a writer (me), an editor, an encoding/distribution manager and an affiliate relations staff. The reason for the production overview is that, this particular two-minutes may look like a talking head combined with some graphics and clips, but the work flow for any given show takes approximately 6 hour and all of the people involved in the production are on salary here at Advanced Media Ventures Group. And, for the record, MediaBytes, and the associated production materials, takes up approximately 25% of my day.</blockquote><br />
Unfortunately, Shelly's audience seemed to feel entitled to receive the fruit of his hard work for free--without suffering the <strong><em>agony </em></strong>of watching... horror of horrors: <em>advertising</em>!.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<blockquote>To my absolute astonishment, I have received dozens of emails, several txt messages and a couple of direct tweets telling me that the :11 seconds of commercial messaging "cheapens" MediaBytes. Several of my core viewers told me that putting a commercial for my own stuff in MediaBytes takes away from my credibility and makes me a huckster, etc. All of the writings were thoughtful and all were vicious in their certitude that MediaBytes should contain no advertising.

<p>Now every bit of data I have ever seen on the subject says that a short, well-scripted pre-roll is the best form of message management for online content. My core audience obviously disagrees. So, I'll put it to you. I want to sell my training courses to my audience as a way to offset/subsidize the cost of creating MediaBytes. I don't want to charge a subscription fee, I don't want to expose my audience to third party advertising that may be extremely irrelevant to them. I want to sell the online training, DVD's, books, etc. that I create and produce.</p>

<p>You know how many different deliverables we create each day, the advertising has to work as video and audio, so it must be written like "radio with pictures." What would you do? How would you offer these products? And, <strong>if you really don't want to see any advertising in the body of MediaBytes, how do you suggest paying for the creation, production and distribution of the content?</strong></blockquote><br />
Well, what say ye, o wise and noble "consumer advocates" who yearn to save us from the indignity of having "<span style="text-decoration: line-through;">Free!</span>" ad-supported content and services foisted on us?  Why should Shelly have to choose between slaving away for free, and just deciding to "take his ball and go home?"  Why should Shelly's viewers get <strong>something for nothing</strong>?</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>Some Random Thoughts on &quot;Sponsored Blogging&quot;</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/some_random_thoughts_on_sponsored_blogging.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5571</id>

    <published>2009-06-24T14:25:21Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-24T15:29:22Z</updated>

    <summary>Over at SiliconAngle, my friend Andrew Feinberg has posted an interesting column defending federal oversight of &quot;sponsored blogging,&quot; or blogging that might be in some way be tied to a financial interest. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is now looking...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Adam Thierer</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Advertising" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="The FTC" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Over at <em>SiliconAngle</em>, my friend Andrew Feinberg has posted an interesting column defending federal oversight of "sponsored blogging," or blogging that might be in some way be tied to a financial interest.  The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is now looking into that matter and threatening to bring the blogosphere under the thumb of federal regulators. In his essay, "<a href="http://www.siliconangle.com/ver2/?p=5980">Why the FTC is Absolutely, 100 Percent Right on Sponsored Blogging</a>," Andrew argues that:<br />
<blockquote>The Federal Trade Commission wants to keep an eye out for unscrupulous behavior by corporations and media. This is their job. They could leave well enough alone for fear of being accused of meddling with the internet, but they recognize that as technology changes, the rules that govern the relationship between marketers and consumers must be made to fit those changes.</p>

<p>This is not always easy. The Federal Communications Commission has had a rulemaking open on embedded advertising (product placement) in children's programming for some time now. It is well know that it's unlawful to market directly to children during certain times, and on certain programs. But FCC efforts to adapt the rules have been stymied by a cumbersome process and a lack of authority (the FCC may only regulate content on broadcast television).</p>

<p>On the other hand, the Federal Trade Commission has much broader authority. And their job is to keep things fair.</blockquote><br />
I responded in the comments to his piece as follows:</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<blockquote>Andrew... You are confusing what belongs in the realm of journalistic ethics with that which should be elevated to the realm of federal regulatory regimes. I think we would agree that writers and reporters -- for both old and new media outlets -- should have certain standards of transparency, but why must we "federalize" that process and have unelected bureaucrats at the regulatory agencies slapping fines on people for not doing so.  That's a (dangerous) bridge too far in my opinion.

<p>Moreover, at the margins of this debate lie some sticky First Amendment issues. Must I <em>always </em>reveal sources of income before I can speak on a matter? Again, it might be the right thing to do as an industry best practice, but let's not criminalize the failure to do so.</blockquote><br />
Again, Andrew is right that online journalists and blogger need to get more serious about online ethics and sensible best practices if they want to be taken seriously and retain credibility.  But precisely because the web allows for greater information flows, transparency, and independent "checks-and-balances" by third parties, I don't think federal regulatory involvement is wise at this time.</p>

<p>Sorry Andrew, you are wrong on this one!</p>

<p>[BTW, Mark Hopkins, also of <em>SiliconAngle</em>, posted <a href="http://www.siliconangle.com/ver2/?p=5979">a great round-up</a> the other day of what's being said about this issue online.]</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

<entry>
    <title>ICANN 3.0 Should &quot;Refocus&quot; on Original Purpose</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/icann_30_should_refocus_on_original_purpose.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5570</id>

    <published>2009-06-20T22:43:13Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-20T22:52:37Z</updated>

    <summary><![CDATA[Here are my comments&nbsp;(PDF) on the NTIA's recent Notice of Inquiry regarding ICANN's future. &nbsp;I have been an active participant within the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) process since its inception as an intellectual property lawyer and...]]></summary>
    <author>
        <name>Mike Palage</name>
        
    </author>
    
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    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p><i>Here are my comments&nbsp;(</i><a href="http://pff.org/issues-pubs/filings/2009/060909-Palage-filing-NTIA-ICANN-NOI.pdf"><i>PDF</i></a><i>) on the </i><a href="http://edocket.access.gpo.gov/2009/E9-9409.htm"><i>NTIA's recent Notice of Inquiry</i></a><i> regarding ICANN's future. &nbsp;</i></p><p><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal; ">I have been an active participant within the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) process since its inception as an intellectual property lawyer and information technology specialist. &nbsp;Over the last ten years, I have served in a number of leadership positions within ICANN, including a three-year term on its Board of Directors (2003-2006). &nbsp; I applaud the NTIA for using the broad scope of this NOI to refocus the global Internet community on the original intent/focus of ICANN's MoU/JPA with the Department of Commerce (USG). &nbsp;Unfortunately, over the last few years, ICANN has strayed from its narrow mission as the technical coordinating body originally envisioned in the 1998 White Paper, and has instead become a quasi-monopolistic regulator accountable to no one but itself. &nbsp;This NOI provides the global Internet community the opportunity to deconstruct the current&nbsp;</span></i></p><p></p><p>"ICANN 2.0"&nbsp;governance model and refocus on a successor "ICANN 3.0"&nbsp;governance model. &nbsp;I submit that ICANN 3.0 needs to be a mix of getting "back to basics" (restoring ICANN's original mission) and implementing important "lessons learned" since ICANN's creation about how to make the&nbsp;organization more effective and accountable. &nbsp;I discuss four broad issues:</p><p></p><ol>
	<li>ICANN's Periodic Review of its internal operations and supporting organizations has failed, and has become nothing more than a "perpetual motion machine of public comments and documentation producing no meaningful results." Only a second Evolution and Reform Process can solve ICANN's current deficiencies;</li><li>ICANN must hardcode into its policies and its contracts the principle that its policies cannot supersede national laws;</li><li>ICANN must cease any operational role in technical infrastructure as required by its bylaws and focus instead on its mission as a technical coordinator; and</li><li>Congress must avoid "kicking the JPA can down the road" and instead provide much-needed leadership by creating a solid foundation for ICANN 3.0 in legislation after proper consultation with the Government Accountability Office.</li>
</ol><p></p>]]>
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<entry>
    <title>Cyberbullying Legislation: Why Education is Preferable to Regulation</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/cyberbullying_legislation_why_education_is_prefera.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5569</id>

    <published>2009-06-19T15:21:37Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-19T15:23:20Z</updated>

    <summary><![CDATA[By Berin Szoka &amp; Adam Thierer We've just released a new PFF white paper (PDF) entitled, "Cyberbullying Legislation: Why Education is Preferable to Regulation." In this 24-page study we note that, compared to previous fears about online predation, which have...]]></summary>
    <author>
        <name>Adam Thierer</name>
        
    </author>
    
        <category term="Free Speech" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
        <category term="Online Safety &amp; Parental Controls" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
    
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p><em>By Berin Szoka &amp; Adam Thierer</em></p>

<p><a title="hand on mouse by Adam_Thierer, on Flickr" href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/adam_thierer/3639280003/"><img src="http://farm4.static.flickr.com/3576/3639280003_1afb044d7a_o.jpg" alt="hand on mouse" width="195" height="225" align="right" /></a>We've just released a new PFF white paper (<a href="http://www.pff.org/issues-pubs/pops/2009/pop16.12-cyberbullying-education-better-than-regulation.pdf">PDF</a>) entitled, "<strong>Cyberbullying Legislation: Why Education is Preferable to Regulation</strong>." In this 24-page study we note that, compared to previous fears about online predation, which have been greatly overblown, concerns about cyberbullying are more well-founded. Evidence suggests the cyberbullying is on the rise and that it can have profoundly damaging consequences for children.</p>

<p>Unsurprisingly, in the wake of a handful of high-profile cyberbullying incidents that resulted in teen/tween suicides, some state lawmakers began floating legislation to address the issue. More recently, two very different federal approaches have been proposed.  One approach is focused on the creation of a new federal crime to punish cyberbullying, which would include fines and jail time for violators. In April 2008, Rep. Linda Sánchez (D-CA) introduced <a href="http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:H.R.1966:">H.R. 1966</a> (originally <a href="http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=110_cong_bills&amp;docid=f:h6123ih.txt.pdf">H.R. 6123</a>), the "Megan Meier Cyberbullying Prevention Act," a bill that would create a new federal felony:<br />
<blockquote>"Whoever transmits in interstate or foreign commerce any communication, with the intent to coerce, intimidate, harass, or cause substantial emotional distress to a person, using electronic means to support severe, repeated, and hostile behavior, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both."</blockquote><br />
The other legislative approach is education-based and would create an Internet safety education grant program to address the issue in schools and communities. In mid-May, the "School and Family Education about the Internet (SAFE Internet) Act" (<a href="http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?c111:S.1047:">S. 1047</a>) was introduced in the Senate by Sen. Robert Menendez (D-NJ) and in the House by Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL).   The measure proposes an Internet safety education grant program that will be administered by the Department of Justice, in concurrence with the Department of Education, and the Department of Health &amp; Human Services.  These agencies will also work in consultation with education, Internet safety, and other relevant experts to administer a five-year grant program, under which each grant will be awarded for a two-year period.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>In our paper, we argue that criminalizing what is mostly kid-on-kid behavior--and especially creating a new federal felony, as the Sánchez bill proposes--will not likely solve the age-old problem of kids mistreating each other.   Moreover, this approach could raise thorny free speech and due process issues related to how the law defines harassing or intimidating speech.  To the extent criminal sanctions are pursued as a solution, it may be preferable to allow state experimentation with varying models.</p>

<p>By contrast, education and awareness-based approaches have a chance of effectively reducing truly harmful behavior, especially over the long-haul. Such approaches would have the added benefit of avoiding constitutional pitfalls and subsequent court challenges. Thus, if lawmakers feel the need to address cyberbullying concerns at this time, it is clear that regulation is, at best, premature and that education is the better approach.</p>

<p>Our paper can be found <a href="http://www.pff.org/issues-pubs/pops/2009/pop16.12-cyberbullying-education-better-than-regulation.pdf">on the PFF website</a> or <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1422577">SSRN</a>, and the Scribd version of the document is embedded down below.  We welcome your comments on our conclusions.</p>

<p>[In a follow-up post, we will address why the criminalization approach to addressing cyberbullying raises free speech concerns and other constitutional issues.]</p>

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<entry>
    <title>Free Press Hypocrisy over Metering &amp; Internet Price Controls</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/free_press_hypocrisy_over_metering_internet_price.html" />
    <id>tag:blog.pff.org,2009://2.5568</id>

    <published>2009-06-19T03:11:28Z</published>
    <updated>2009-06-19T03:13:02Z</updated>

    <summary>In response to my essay last night about this new Free Press campaign to layer price controls on the Internet by banning metered prices via Rep. Massa&apos;s new bill (the &quot;Broadband Internet Fairness Act&quot;), George Ou and Richard Bennett reminded...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Adam Thierer</name>
        
    </author>
    
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    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blog.pff.org/">
        <![CDATA[<p>In response to <a href="http://blog.pff.org/archives/2009/06/the_unfree_press_calls_for_internet_price_controls.html">my essay last night </a>about this new <a href="https://secure.freepress.net/site/Advocacy?cmd=display&amp;page=UserAction&amp;id=327">Free Press campaign</a> to layer price controls on the Internet by banning metered prices via <a href="http://gigaom.com/2009/06/17/ny-congressman-massa-files-bill-to-stop-tiered-broadband-pricing/">Rep. Massa's new bill</a> (the "<a href="http://massa.house.gov/uploads/BroadbandInternetFairnessAct.pdf">Broadband Internet Fairness Act</a>"), <a href="http://blogs.zdnet.com/Ou/?p=914">George Ou</a> and <a href="http://bennett.com/blog/2009/04/time-warner-cable-bides-its-time/">Richard Bennett</a> reminded me of some of the contradictory statements that <a href="http://techliberation.com/2008/08/10/what-the-media-reformistas-really-want/">the (Un)Free Press crew</a> have made on this issue.  Indeed, if you look back at what Free Press and their chairman have said about the matter over just the past 18 months, they seem to be whistling two very different tunes.</p>

<p>For example, George Ou reminded me of what Free Press had to say in <a href="http://www.freepress.net/files/fp_et_al_nn_declaratory_ruling.pdf">its November 2007 filing</a> in the FCC's Comcast-Bit Torrent proceeding:<br />
<blockquote>"More importantly, if Comcast is concerned that the collective set of users running P2P applications are affecting quality of service for other users on a cable loop... <strong>they could also charge by usage</strong>." (p. 29)</p>

<p>[...]</p>

<p>"Indeed, in many nations, network providers do meter, and bill their customers on the basis of amount used. So the transaction costs of doing so must not be prohibitively high. Indeed, a network provider can apparently meter cheaply because, in most networks, users' traffic to and from the Internet passes through a single gateway, the network access server." (p. 31)</blockquote><br />
And Richard Bennett reminded me of what Tim Wu, chairman of the Free Press, <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/29/AR2008072902077.html">had to say about metering</a> to the <em>Washington Post</em> just one year ago:<br />
<blockquote>"I don't quite see [metering] as an outrage, and in fact <strong>is probably the fairest system going</strong> -- though of course the psychology of knowing that you're paying for bandwidth may change behavior."</blockquote><br />
So, what gives?  Will the real Free Press please stand up? Does the Free Press believe in pricing freedom or price controls for the Internet?</p>]]>
        
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